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INHIBITING FACTORS OF EARLY MARRIAGE FOR WOMEN  : EMPRICAL STUDY  IN SOUTH SULAWESI, INDONESIA
	
Palmarudi Mappigau1, Idayanti Nursyamsi 2,
Jusni Ambodalle 3, and Akmal Machmud 4

1 Palmarudi Mappigau, Social Economic Department, Animal Science and Technology Faculty, University of Hasanuddin, Email : rudipal@yahoo.com
2Idayanti Nursyamsi, Economic-Management Department, Economic and Business Faculty, University of Hasanuddin,Email : idayanti_uh@yahoo.com
3Jusni Ambodalle, Economic-Management Department, Economic and Business Faculty, University of Hasanuddin,Email: jusni_mju@yahoo.co.id
4 Akmal Machmud,  Center Research and Development for Population (PUSDU), BKKBN, South Sulawesi Province,Email : akmalmac@yahoo.com

Abstract
Despite of early marriage for  women in developing countries, mainly in Indonesia  has been extensively studied,  but still little understanding on inhibiting   factors  underlying the early marriage.  The purposes of this study are to provide empirical evident  by identify  and to examine  inhibiting factors  that have  larger impact   to the  early marriges. This study was conducted in Soppeng and Selayar  Regencies in South Sulawesi, Indonesia. From each of these regencies , 100 women who got into their first marriage at a young age as well as their parents were chosen  randomly as respondent. Data was collected through interviews and questionnaires. the collected data was analyzed using binary logistic regression. The results show that women�s education, economic independence, risk tolerance, parent�s economic stability, parent�s education,  and government programs were  inhibiting factor that have larger impact   to delay or prevent   women   get married at  early age. 

Key words : : First marriage, larger impact, early marriage,  young women,  and  inhibiting factors, 

Introduction
Population problems that are currently faced by  many developing countries, like  Indonesia are rapid population growth rates. The rapid population growth results in the increase of  case of the  first marriage of women at  early ages.  According to the World�s Youth Data Sheet in 2013, Indonesia ranked number one in early marriages in Southeast Asia. For women ages 20-24, four percent were married at the age of 15, while 22 percent were married at the age of 18 
Prevention of early marriage has long been done by the government of Indonesia, and one of them is through the age of marriage restrictions.  However, the facts on the field show that the policy does not give much influence on the emphasis on the sustainability of early marriage. Early marriage is still common, especially in rural areas. The issue of  early married for women in Indonesia   has also been extensively studied.  These  studies have generally focused either on consequences of early married  (e. g., Pustikasari, 2013; Afriani  and  Mufdlilah, 2016;  Sardi, B. 2016)  or on identifying factors   main driver of early marriage   (e. g., Astuty, 2013 ; Imawati and Kismanto, 2009; Marshan et al., 2014;  Fatimah,2009 ). However, the research does not discuss the other aspects that  inhibit of early marriage  and  the study did not also empirically establish a clear set of  the  inhibit factors  of  the early marriage.  According to CHS (2009), early marriage   involves human behavioral aspect, so it is quite complicated and needs a comprehensive understanding to uncover the inhibiting   factors underlying the early marriage. Understanding the   the  role  of the inhibiting factors is critical for policy maker   to design interventions and   programs that reduce the early marriage  practices in many developing countries (CHS, 2009).  For this reason, this study has specifically sought to address this literature gap by identify and  determine inhibiting factors which   have  larger impact   to delay or prevent   women   get married at  early age in Indonesia.

Literature Review
Early marriage  in developing countries is more frequent for female than their male counterparts (Nasrin and Rahman, 2012)   According to UNICEF (2014), women of early marriages are those who have gotten married before the age of 18. Alemu (2006) indentified child marriage as a marriage involving children under the age of 10, and adolescent marriage involves girls aged between 10 and 15. Mueller (2008) stated that early adolescence (ages 10-11 and 12-14) is generally �too early� to start having sex or marrying, while late adolescence (ages 18-19) is probably old enough. 
Early marriage contributes to a series of negative consequences both for young girls and the society in which they live. It is a violation of human rights in general and of girl�s rights in particular. For both girls and boys, early marriage has profound physical, intellectual, psychological and emotional impacts; cutting off educational and employment opportunities and chances of personal growth.  Besides having a negative impact on girls themselves, the practice of early marriage also has negative consequences on their children, families, and society as a whole (Bayisenge, 2010).  According to Glenn et al. (2012) women who  married in their teens tended to be lower in impulse control and the ability to defer gratification than persons who married at older ages.  Delay marriage at mature age also will help both parties to keep a stable relationship and reduced the divorce rate. From personal aspect,  women who delay  marriage at mature age  will result in more freedom to pursue their own achievements, and accumulate economic power, it will provide a better environment and living standard to next generation. 
Several studies have identified  factors  leading women to delay marriage, such as   a longer stay in school (Ravanera and  Rajulton, 2007),  higher level of economic resources and   more schooling  (Lehrer  and Chen, 2013  ), peer group networking , burden of household duties, risk aversion, uncertain economic prospects,  and unavailability of mates (Salaff, 1976),   educational and career attainment,  and personal freedom (Wong 2003),  and perceptions on Implications of Delayed Marriage (Karamat, 2016.)
Methodology
Data Sources. The collected data consists of primary and secondary data. The primary data in this study was collected through a combination of observations and interviews. Structured interviews were done with the help of questionnaires. There were two types of questionnaires in use: the first one for women of early marriages; and the second questionnaire for their parents. To determine how valid and reliable the questionnaires are in measuring a variable, a pre-survey was done using 20 female respondents and their parents. This indicates how far the respondents comprehend the questions given to them. After the pre-survey, modifications were made on several questions where necessary. The secondary data was collected through several documents related to early marriage from The National Family Planning Coordinating Board (BKKBN).
Population and Sample. The target population for this study consists of women involved in early marriages in the South Sulawesi Province. This province was chosen because the province holds the largest number of early marriages in all of Indonesia (IDHS, 2012). This study focuses on two  regencies (Soppeng and Selayar Regencies)  in South Sulawesi province  with the most child marriages, and  100 women of early marriages were chosen from each of the regencies  as the sample respondents. In addition, their parents were also involved as sample respondent   due to their large role in determining whether their daughters will be married off at an early age.  The technique used to determine the respondents used in this test was randomly based on a sampling framework from the list of marriages recorded by The Office of Religious Affairs (KUA) for women in their first marriages starting from the previous year (2014).
Analysis Method. Logistic regression analysis was used to identify and examine  inhibiting factors that have bigger impact on  preventing women  in early marriage.  In this analysis, the ages of women at their first marriage was used as the dependent variable which was dichotomized by assigning the value of 1 for ages less than 20 years and a value of 0 for ages 20 years or older. The explanatory variables were  women�s education, economic independence, risk tolerance,  geographical mobility, involvement in organizations, husband�s education, husband�s occupation, access to health care,  isolation, marriage partner unavailability,  parent�s economic stability,  social strata, migration status of parents, parent�s education , �panai� tradition,  and government program.   The variables explanatory variables were measured  using 5-point Likert scale items �that�ranges�from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly. (strongly)  Because most of the data were ordinal data, so this  data trenfered   into intervals data  used Succesive Interval Method. 


Results and Discussion
The results of the logistic regression analysis on indentifying  the inhibiting factors of early marriage   as well as  determining  the inhibiting factors that have larger impact   to delay or prevent   women   get married at  early age are shown in Table 1.

Insert Table 1

Results of the logistic regression analysis in Table 1 showed that  from 17 variables that  potential as inhibiting factors (negative value  of  regression coefficient, B), but only  10  variables  as  determinant   or significant variables (P<0.05), namely:  women�s education,   economic independence,  risk tolerance, husband�s education, access to health care, parent�s economic stability, social strata, parent�s education,  �panai� tradition, and  government program.  The results of the regression and odds ratio for every variable are explained as follows
Women�s Education. The regression shows that the women�s education variable has a significant inhabiting impact on women who getting married before 20 years of age (P<0.5). The odds ratio is 3.866, implying that women with formal education (high school and university level) are 3.866 times more likely to get married over 20 years old compared to lower educated women (elementary and junior high school level).   Marriage postponement  among highly educated women may be explained by the fact that they tend to attach greater value to their careers and independence than to marriage.   Goswami (2012)  gave  two explanations of why a woman with higher education is always more likely to remain unmarried at a given point of time.  First, the continuation of education delays the entry of a woman into the marriage market. Second, education is often related to greater autonomy and opening up of new control over household resources and personal behaviour so that they can achieve better bargaining power in deciding the timing of their marriage as well as the selection of their spouses.    Tom�s (2004)  mentioned   that there are numerous indirect effects of education which may impinge on the timing of marriege and parenthoods.    Higher education enhances the position of individuals on the labour market and increases the �opportunity costs� of childbearing, and women with higher education have values and preferences distinct from individuals with lower education, although not necessarily due to the effects of education itself, as (self-) selection to higher education plays a role in value orientation as well.  This finding is supported by  Wong (2003) who found that  rising educational would lead women to postpone, but not abandon, marriage in order to complete more human capital investment early in the life course. Bruderi and Diekman (1997) also  argue that the proportion of  delay married women should increase with education
Economic Independence. The regression shows that the women�s economic independence variable has a significant inhibiting impact on women marrying under the age of 20 years (P<0.5). The odds ratio of 4.074 indicates that working women or women who used to be employed have a 4.074 higher chance of marrying after the age of 20 years compared to non-working women.  This is because women who have own income  (as  entrepreneur or workers)   will delay marriage because they want to prepare financially to improve the stability of the family when they married. In particular,  they  do not need to rely too heavely  on men for economic support.  The other reason is  employment  may provide  economic resources  for women to postpone marriage and an  economic incentive for parents to encourage their daughters  to remind single  until she had accumulated sufficient resources to establish own household (Singh  and Samara (1975), and   employment tend to expand women�s horizons and provide them with previously unavailable opportunities and lifestyles that compete with marriage (Tey Nai, 2007). This finding is supported by   Wong (2003) who  found that  economic opportunity would lead women to postpone, but not abandon, marriage in order to complete more human capital investment early in the life course.  Preston and Richards (1975) also found  that  economic independence in women are responsible for any marriage delays 
Risk Tolerance. The regression shows that the risk tolerance variable has a significant inhibiting impact on women getting married before 20 years of age (P<0.5). The odds ratio is 3.412, meaning that women who avoid  risk of   early  marriages    have a 3.412 higher chance of marrying  after  being 20 years old than those who  tolerant  the risks. This because women who perceived avoid early marriges risk (e.q.  risk of infants  deaths  and  maternal morbidity) , it might expected they will delay marriages to minimize those risk effects.   This finding is supported by Schmidt�s (2007) who found  that  women who  deny risks effect of  early marriages  will delay marriage longer than those who tolerant to the risk 
Husband�s Education. The regression shows that the husband�s education variable plays has a significant inhibiting impact on women getting married before 20 years (P<0.5). The odds ratio of 2.807 indicates that women whose  husbands are highly educated  level (high school and university level) are 2.807 times more likely to marry after the age of 20 years compared to women whose husbands are  lower educated level (primary school). That illustrates  the  husband�s education have larger impact   to delay or prevent     women  get married at  early age.  This because  mans   who had a better  education  can influence their attitudes and norms regarding  expectation of a marriage and in the choice of partners. Thereby,  educated  man  tend to  marry women at mature age.   In general, women at mature age  have more phisical and psychological of maturity , and  they are be  able to care for their children well. This finding is supported  by Haloi and Limbu (2014) found that  the occurrence of early marriage is higher in women whose husbands are less educated than in those who are more educated. 
Access to Health Care. The regression show that access to health care has a significant inhibiting impact on women marrying under the age of 20 (P<0.5). The odds ratio of 1.061 indicates that with women access to health care programs have a 1.061 higher chance of marrying after the age of 20 than those who have limited or no access to such programs. This because access to health care programs expose women to information about reproductive health and pregnancy that discourage early marriage. This result is supported by Agampodi  et al. (2008) who mentioned that many early marriage in women because they   lack of knowledge regarding the reproduction process, especially in cases where they do not have access to health care programs  
Parent�s Economic Stability. The regression shows that parent�s economic stability has a significant  inhibiting impact on women marrying before 20 years of age (P<0.5). The odds ratio is 2.432, meaning that women whose parents  with  economically stable   are 2.432 times more likely to get married over the age of 20 in comparison to those whose parents with struggling economically. This because  women whose parents  with  economically stable, their parents will not seek financial security by marriage them at early age.  Moreover, women  whose parents with  the economically stable   are more likely to  more financial resources  leading to higher educational attainment or  becoming  an entrepreneur. This  finding   is supported by Sah et al. (1993) who found  that the economic status of the parents is a crucial variable in determining the marital age of their  daughters
Social Strata. The regression shows that the social strata variable has a significant inhibiting impact on women marrying under the age of 20 years (P<0.5). The odds ratio of 1.373 means that parents of noble families  have a 1.373 higher likelihood of delaying marriage past the age of 20 in comparison to those who are not of this lineage.  This because  most ethnic in Indonesia, including ethnic in South Sulawesi (e.q. Buginese, Makassarese, Torajanese and Mandarese), strict social stratification of the past is still clearly evident today, especially in marriage. The  nobility people  is a very useful couple of degrees. The rule is a man may marry a woman who is common people, but not the same as a woman. Therefore,   woman from noble family may have limited the opportunity to find a partner, because the their  family are  selective in finding their  spouse.   This result  is  consistent with the previous research, Idrus (2004)  found that  the Bugis-Makassar  hierarchical marriage system is associated with a woman's function as the symbol of family siri (honor) and as the preserver of the purity of blood. 
Parent�s Education. The regression shows that the parent�s education variable is a significant inhibiting  impact  on  women  marrying under the age of 20 years  old (P<0.5). The odds ratio of 2.702 indicates that girls with  educated parents have a 2.702 higher chance of delaying marriage until they are past the age of 20. This because  parents with higher level education  are likely to adopt  modern values such as autonomy of  daughters and  have more knowledge about  consequences of  early  marriage.  Therefore, parents  with higher education level will prevent their daughters from marrying at a young age.  According to  Mooyaart and Liefbroer (2016), there are several arguments about why higher parental education leads to postponement of first union and first marriage. Children with  educated parents are likely to have higher education and career aspirations.  Leading to higher educational attainment and to prolonged enrollment in the educational system leads to the postpone of marriages. Thus, children with highly educated parents are more likely to be raised in a wealthy home environment than children with low-educated parents. Individuals who were raised in a household with high consumption levels may develop the same consumption aspirations for their own household  and may not want to start a household before they are able to afford a similar lifestyle themselves, which will delay their timing of marriage.   Highly educated parents are also  likely to socialize their children with these more liberal values, implying that their children are more likely to opt for unmarried cohabitation.  This result is supported by  Kumchelsi et al. (2011)  who found that there is a significant correlation between the educational levels of parents and the age of their daughters when they first got married.
Panai Tradition. Panai is the one of local tradition  in  South Sulawesi Province. Panai is money given by the groom to the bride on deal both sides. Panai different from the dowry money, panai is spending money for the wedding such as foodstuffs, tents/ buildings, clothing, and various kinds of equipment to get married. Men bring such payments to marriage, and the amount depends on an agreement being reached between the respective families of the bride and groom. The  panai  tradition is a forms of accountability and commitment in a marriage relationship,  so very rarely heard cases of divorce on  spouses  who adopted the panai tradition  due to their appreciation of marriage is very high (Rahman  (2015). The regression shows that the �panai� tradition variable has a significant inhibiting impact on women marrying under the age of 20 years (P<0.5). The odds ratio of 1.278 means that  women  whose parents still adopt the panai  tradition have a 1.278 greater chance of getting married after reaching 20 years of age than those who do not adhere to the tradition. This because  the panai tradition could be   menunda  perkawinan  pada  perempuan  if  no consensus reached between the respective families of the bride and groom about  how much the groom should pay and/or  if  absence of a lot of money possessed by the groom's family. This finding is suppoted   by  Rahman  (2015) who suggested   that  panai  tradition  will be positive  effects on matturation of age marriages  at young generations in Indonesia because it will be difficult for young men and womens  to get married  at early age  
Government Programs. One of the population programs of the Indonesian government that can control the number of people and directly targeted to the first marriage in women is the program Maturation Age Marriage (PUP). This PUP program is an attempt to increase the age of first marriage, thus reaching the minimum age at the age of marriage of 20 years for women and 25 years for men (The National Family Planning Coordinating Board,2012). The regression shows that The PUP program  has a significant inhibiting impact  on women marrying under the age of 20 years (P<0.5). The odds ratio of 2.389 indicates that women  who  have received socialization /counseling about PUP  are 2.389 times more likely to get married after turning 20 years old than those  have not. This because women who have received socialization /counseling about PUP  will  have more  information and  knowledge   about risk of child marriage and early child-bearing. Thereby, they   will avoid getting married at a young age. This finding is  supported by   The National Family Planning Coordinating Board  (2012) which evaluated the PUP program  and   reported that women who married age before reaching the age of 20 years had less knowledge about the program and the impacts of early marriage.
Conclusion 
This study shows that women�s education,   economic independence,  risk tolerance, husband�s education, access to health care, parent�s economic stability, social strata, parent�s education,  �panai� tradition, and  government program   are  significant or determine  inhibiting factors of   early marriage for women.  Of these factors, the factors that have larger    impact   to delay or prevent  women  get married at  early age are  woman�s education, economic independence, risk tolerance, husband�s education, parent�s economic stability, parent�s education, and government programs. These inhibiting factors should be strengthened  in designing new strategies to reduce early marriages practices for women and  combat rapid population growth  in the country.  Even though this study contributes to the development of the population theory, this study has several limitations that need to be addressed by future research.  That  limitation   is  relatively small sample size may not be representative of  early marriages practices  for women  in Indonesia. Another limitation is the data used in this study is still only limited to the first marriage in one year,  that meaning  years prior and subsequent to this study were not observed.  Finally, the study made use of   cross sectional design   which can only provides a snapshot of one point in time. This design did not allow the determination of cause and effect or the impact of changes inhibiting factors  over time.  

Acknowledgement
We would like to thank the Pusduk BKKBN for  financial support. We also would like to thank the Rector of Hasanuddin University  for  supporting to publish  this manuscript.  Finally, we  would  like to thank  field extension worker of  the Office of Religious Affairs in Soppeng and Selayar Regencies  who  helped  us to  collect  primary data.  


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